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Any
analysis of the women’s movement in Iran is a very complicated task and
requires time and space. This very brief article is meant to provide much
needed basic information for the general public and to provide a coherent
picture of what has been happening over the last two centuries. The second
half of the nineteenth century is the beginning of fundamental structural
and ideological transformations in Iran and the start of the women’s
movement that is still going on.
The
first major figure, Fatima, the eldest daughter of a prominent religious
leader was born in Ghazvin in 1814. Fatima and her sister Marzieh received
religious training and became masters in Persian literature, Arabic and
Islamic studies. At the age of 14, she married her cousin the son of Mulla
Mohammed Taghi Borghani, one of the most famous Usuli religious leaders.
Orthodox and dogmatic the Usulis dominated the theological schools and
strongly opposed all other schools of thought including Ahkbari and the
latter Sheykhi who demanded reforms and challenged the authority of
Mujtahids.
The
two sisters influenced by a close relative took the side of the Sheykhi.
In
1828 the young couple moved to Iraq to further their religious studies at
Najaf and Karbala, where many Sheykhi ulama resided in exile. The long
stay in Iraq introduced Fatima to others including Seyyed Kazem Rashti and
his Succesor Seyyed Mohammad Bab, whom she never met. She also became
exposed to European politics and influence spreading in Middle East at the
time. Fatima joined Rashti who gave her the title of Qurrat al-Ain and
eventually ended in the top leadership of the later Babi movement. Her
actions alienated her family; she left her husband started lecturing and
openly supported the Babi movement. Amongst many changes demanded by the
Babis, emancipation of women became an issue. Though her actions were
predominantly religious her presence often without a veil in public
debates created a stir even amongst the Babis and she often was forced to
leave and move to another city. Her very strong presence in the movement
initiated the formation of the first well-organized women’s league in
Iran.
The
first meetings were held at the house of the widowed Mrs. Rashti and
quickly spread throughout the country. Fatima, Marzieh, Khorshid Beygom
Khanum, with the mother and sister of Mulla Hussein Boushroyeh, the mother
of Hadi Nahri, Rustameh, the first militant female leader in the movement
and Mrs. Rashti traveled all over, organized meetings, helped and rescued
Babis. Many female members of the Royal court also supported Fatima who
was known as Tahireh or pure by this time. In 1848, after the massive
persecution of the Babis, the remaining leaders gathered at Behdasht. In
the meeting Tahireh tears off her veil and demands emancipation of women.
Her radical actions splits the leadership; Tahireh herself is arrested is
send into exile. She escapes, a few days after a failed attack on Naser
al-Din Shah’s life; she is captured in Tehran and along with other Babi
leaders was executed in 1852.
The
Babi and their successor Bahai women’s movements were genuine, dynamic,
progressive and emancipated the female supporters of these faiths. However
they remained sectarian and were secondary to the principal doctrines of
the faith. Though this limited their appeal to the general public but the
incidents were observed by all. The mass execution of Babi women and
children shocked the nation particularly the upper class and more educated
women, lessons were learned, moves copied and actions followed.
In
the later half of the 19th century other prominent women
emerged. Taj Saltaneh, Naser al-Din Shah’s daughter in her famous
memoirs criticized the stagnation of the political and social institutions
in Iran without rejecting Monarchy. She mentions the pitiful state of
women in Iran, criticizes the notion of veiling and how it has stopped
women from advancing and joined secrete societies with other members of
the royal court. Bibi Khanoum
Astarabadi in her pamphlet The Shortcomings of Men strongly criticized the
derogatory popular book Educating Women and concluded that the writer’s
understanding of keeping women in their place implies the total
subjugation of women.
Bibi
and her mother belonged to the generations of women who served the Royal
women. They thought literature; calligraphy, music, religion and many were
talented poets with their own written works of which quite a few have
survived. In the late 1900’s women had a very strong presence in the
constitutional struggle and the subsequent revolution. The Reuter
concession of 1872 and the Tobacco protest brought masses of women into
the streets. Kamran Mirza, the vice regent was attacked by hordes of
women. Militant women lead by Zeynab Pasha alongside armed men attacked
government warehouses in Tabriz. At the same time the wife of Haydar Khan
Tabrizi and other women armed with sticks protected pro constitution
speakers in Tabriz.
Mrs.
Jahangeer, the aunt of the martyred journalist Mirza Jahangeer Sur-i
Israfil, blocked Mozafare Din Shah’s carriage and warned him to endorse
the constitution. Progressive newspapers like Sur-i Israfil, Habl al Matin,
Qanun, Soraya and Nida-yi Vatan published articles by men and women
writers demanding constitutional and gender rights. Women from all faiths
gathered and joined the strikers seeking sanctuary at the British embassy
in 1906. Setareh the daughter of the Armenian revolutionary activist
Yephrem Khan her mother and many others, Jewish, Bahai, Zoroastrian etc.,
participated.
After
the constitution was granted in August 1906, women became involved in both
boycotting the import of foreign goods and raising funds for the
establishment of the first National Bank. Native fabrics were worn and
women sold their jewelry and dowries to finance the bank. The members of
the Secret Union of women published pamphlets and articles demanding men
should give up their seats in Majlis and let women run the country. With
the victory of revolution they expected equal opportunities and gender
rights. None was granted in the constitution. The electoral law of
September 1906 had expressly barred women from the political process, and
the appeal to the newly formed Majlis for institutional support received
hostile response. They were told that “ the women’s education and
training should be restricted to raising children, home economics and
preserving the honor of the family”. Family laws remained within the
domain of Shariat with no change and emancipation of women became an
embarrassment.
Women
decided to organize by themselves, education became the priority. In March
1838 American Presbyterian missionaries had opened the first girls’
school in Urumiyah, Azarbaijan. Religious minorities, mainly Armenians,
attended the school. Similar schools had opened in Tehran, Tabriz, Mashhad,
Rasht, Hamden and other cities. However Muslim girls were barred to attend
the missionary schools by the religious authorities and public pressure.
In the 1870s the first Muslim girls joined the American school in Tehran.
The failure of Majlis to meet their demands forced women to take action.
Semi secret societies were formed.
On
January 20, 1907, a women’s meeting was held in Tehran where ten
resolutions were adopted, including one that called for establishing
girls’ schools and another that sought the abolition of dowries so that
the money could be spent on educating the girls instead. In 1907, Bibi
Vazirof opened Madresseh Doushizegan. She was forced to close but
re-opened. At the same time Toba Azmodeh opened Namus in her own house.
Despite threats and abuse by the mob and religious authorities the efforts
continued. The opening of Effatiyah School by Mrs. Safieh Yazdi, the wife
of the pro constitution mujtahid, Mohammed Yazdi in 1910 encouraged others
and more schools were opened. In 1911 Mahrukh Gawharshinas defied her
husband and started Taraghi. In the same year Mah Sultan Amir Sehei opened
Tarbiyat. By 1913 there were
9 women’s societies and 63 girls’ schools in Tehran with close to 2500
students.
The
schools produced the first generation of well-educated and prominent
women. Touran Azmoudeh, Fakhre Ozma Arghon (Simin Behbahani’s mother),
Bibi Khalvati, Guilan Khanoum, Farkhondeh Khanoum and Mehrangize Samiei,
are amongst the best known graduates of these early schools. Male
supporters joined the movement. Mr. Javad Sartip, Mirza Hussein Rushdiyeh,
Nasr Douleh and Adib Douleh are amongst the best known supporters whose
moral and financial support made the movement possible.
Women’s
associations flourished. Society for the Freedom of Women
and Secret Union of Women were
formed in 1907. Association of the Ladies of the Homeland
was followed by The Society for the welfare of Iranian Women, Women
of Iran, Union of Women, Women’s Efforts, and
the Council of Women of the Center.
They all played an active part in politics; organized plays raised funds
for schools, hospitals and orphanages. In 1915 the Society of
Christian Women Graduates of Iran was
formed, followed by Jewish Women’s Association
they started organizing, helping and educating women and children in their
own communities. The communist members of the Messengers for Women’s
Prosperity celebrated the International Women’s Day for the first time
in Rasht in 1915. Society for
the Freedom of women, the most prolific of all the societies attracted
prominent activists like Sadigeh Dawlatabadi, Muhtaram Eskandari,
Huma Mahmudi and Shams al-Muluk
Javahir Kalam. People from all faiths
and men were present at the meetings.
The gatherings were kept secret to avoid any attack by the mob.
Other ladies like Mirza Baji, Samei, Monireh Khanoum, Gouleen Moafegh,
Eftekhar Saltaneh, Taj saltaneh, Hakeem, Ayoub, Jordan and Afandieh
Khanoum were amongst the first members of the society.
A
member of several associations and a publisher, Sadigeh Dawlatabadi in
1918 opened the first girls’ school in Isfahan and was forced to close
it after 3 months. On her return from France in 1927, she was amongst the
first women who appeared in public unveiled. Eskandari, a Qajar princess
later founded Society of Patriotic Women, organized classes for adult
illiterate women and published a journal. The group in a demonstration
publicly burnt a misogynist pamphlet entitled Wiles of Women at the Sepah
Square in Tehran.
Huma
and Shams al-Muluk were leading feminist writers and speakers. Huma was
one of the organizers of a major demonstration by women outside Majlis
demanding equal rights. Also a publisher and a poet she wrote constantly
on women’s issues. Shams al-Muluk, a teacher was the first Iranian woman
to teach unveiled in co-educational classes in Tiflis. Others like Durrat
al Muali were praised by figures like poet Iraj Mirza for their courage.
Other prominent males like Dihkhuda, Vakilal-Ruaya, Lahuti, Ishqi, Aref
and later figures like Kasravi, Taghizadeh, Saeed Nafissi, Ebrahim
Khajehnouri and Reza-zadeh Shafaegh also lent their support with others
like Parvin Etesami. Conservative members of ulama opposed the schools.
Sheykh Fazlullah Nuri and Seyyed Ali Shushtari often accused the activists
of heresy and having Babi sentiments. Soon there were girls’ schools in
all the major cities and though they were constantly threatened, burnt and
closed they stayed.
In
1910, Mrs. Kahal published the magazine Danish. This was the first journal
published by a woman in Iran. Navabeh Safavi and Mrs. Ameed Mozayan-al
Saltaneh published Jahan-i Zanan and Shikufah in 1912 and 1913. Sadigeh
Dawlatabadi followed by Zaban-i Zanan and Zanan-i Iran in Isfahan and
Tehran (1918 & 1919). Nameh Banouvan and Jahan-i Zanan were printed in
1920. Mrs. Fakher Afagh-i Parsa, the mother of Farokh Roo Parsa the first
women minister in Iran who was executed after the revolution, published
the later. This magazine was published in Mashhad and was violently
opposed by religious groups. Mrs. Parsa was forced into exile and had to
run for her life. Many publications followed, by 1930s fourteen women’s
magazines were discussing rights, education and veiling. Letters were send
to Majlis; equal rights and emancipation were demanded. They were refused
and ulma’s hostility grows.
In
1911 Ghassem Amin’s book Freedom of Women is translated from Arabic into
Persian. The renowned Egyptian activist supported emancipation.
Conservative religious authorities responded harshly. Mirza Mohammad
Sadegh Fhakhr-al Islam published his own ‘Resaleh’ condemning the
book, emancipation and alcohol consumption.
Fazlullah
Nuri complained that “by encouraging women to dress up like men Majlis
has become a place for Amer-i be monker and Nahyeh az maroof” (promoting
the forbidden and forbidding the good). Fazlullah Haeri Mazandarani in
1921 published Hejab ya Pardeh Doushizegan and condemned reforms. Zia al
Din Majd and Aboul Hassan Tonekaboni urged Muslims to fight since veiling
is a fundamental institution in Islam. By 1927 a collection of all
articles opposing emancipation were published together in a book called
Answer to supporters of emancipation.
The Muslim Poet Eghbal Lahourri encouraged Muslim women every where
to stick by their religion.
Reza
Shah became monarch in 1926. In 1926 Sadigeh Dawlatabadi attended The
International Women’s Conference in Paris. On her return she went public
in European attire. In 1928 Majlis ratified the new dress code. All males
except ulama were required to dress like Europeans at all government
institutions. In 1930 ladies hats were exempted from taxes. Emancipation
was discussed constantly and encouraged by the authorities. Mirza
Aboulghasem-i Azad established the first emancipation society in 1930 and
was supported by Yahya Dawlatabadi. The first conference on Muslim women
at the same time began in Damascus Syria. Sadigeh Dawlatabadi, Mostoreh
Afshar and Mrs. Tabatabai represented Iran.
In
1931 for the first time Majlis approved a new civil code that gave women
the right to ask for divorce under certain conditions and the marriage age
was elevated to 15 for girls and 18 for boys. The civil code was secular
but family laws remained within the domain of Shariat. The Congress of
Oriental Women opened in Tehran in 1932 and paid respect to the deceased
socialist Muhtaram Eskandari. In 1933 recommended reforms at Damascus and
Tehran conferences were presented to Majlis and women demanded
emancipation electoral rights and were refused again. Reza Shah
intervened, in 1934 Ali Asghar-i Hikmat, the Minister of Education
received orders to establish Kanoun-i Banouvan and implement reforms.
Hajer Tarbyat was the first chairwomen and Shams Pahlavi the Royal
appointee. Though controlled by the state, for the first time women’s
activities were legitimized. The Ladies Center was not received well by
the socialists and independents. They opposed royal monopoly and
interference.
In
1936 Reza Shah, his wife and daughters attended the graduation ceremony at
the Women’s Teacher Training College in Tehran. All women were advised
to come unveiled. Emancipation of women was officially born. Unveiling was
made compulsory and women were barred from wearing chador and scarf in
public. A national education system was formed to educate boys and girls
equally. In 1936 the first females entered Tehran University. Shams al
Moluk Mosaheb, Mehrangiz Manuchehrian, Zahra Eskandar, Batul Samei, Tosey
Haeri, Shayesteh Sadegh, Taj Muluk Nakhaei, Forough and Zahra Kia, Badr al
Muluk Bamdad, Shahzadeh Kavousi and Saraj al Nesa (from India) were
admitted. Amineh Pakravan was the first female lecturer and Dr. Fatimah
Sayah the first woman who became a full professor.
After
Reza Shah’s fall, independent organizations were formed. Safiyeh Firouz
in 1942 formed the National Women’s Society and the newly formed Council
of Iranian Women in 1944 strongly criticized polygamy. Tudeh Party
Women’s league was the best organized in this period. In 1944 Huma
Houshmandar published Our Awakening and in 1949 the women’s league was
changed to Organization of Democratic Women and branches were opened in
all the major cities. Zahra and Taj Eskandari, Iran Arani, Maryam Firouz,
Dr. Khadijeh Keshavarz, Dr. Ahktar Kambakhsh, Badri Alavi and Aliyeh
Sharmini were amongst the best known Tudeh activists. The society was
later changed to Organization of Progressive Women and in 1951
unsuccessfully lobbied for electoral rights. Mossadegh’s fall puts an
end to independent organizations. In 1949 the Higher Council of Women is
formed headed by Ashraf Pahlavi.
The
council opened branches all over the country focusing on health, education
and charity work. By 1964, it was changed to Organization of Iranian Women
and in 1978 had 349 branches, 113 Centers and covered 55 other
organizations dealing with women’s welfare and heath. The last registrar
indicates that in 1977 alone, over a million women used the services. Most
centers were trashed after the revolution.
In
1951, Mehrangiz Dawlatshahi (the first female Ambassador) formed Rah Naw
and with Safeyeh Firouz founded the first organization supporting human
rights. The two met with Shah and demanded electoral rights. Opposition by
religious authorities ended the debate. In Bahman of 1962 at last women
were given the right to vote and to be elected. In 1968 the Family
Protection Law was ratified. Divorce was referred to family courts, gains
were made with respect to divorce laws, polygamy was limited and required
first wife s’ written consent. Marriage age for girls was set at 18
years. Mrs. Parsa became the first women minister in Iran. Women were
required to serve the education corps and pass military service. In 1975,
women gained the right of guardianship for their children after their
husbands’ death. Abortion was never legalized but the existing penalties
were omitted and this made it a lot easier. In 1975 Mahnaz Afkhami became
the first minister responsible for women’s affairs. Shariat remained but
ulam’s response was drastic, Fatwas by known figures including Ayatollah
Khomeini declared the move heretic, demonstrations followed but were put
down.
At
the same time Ali Shariati published the best seller Fatima is Fatima and
declared all western looking Iranian women as corrupt. Ayatollah Motahari
started the popular series women in Islam in the secular magazine Zan-i
Ruz and confirmed Hejab. There were no independent organizations except
the underground groups opposing monarchy. Marzieh Ahmadi Oskouei, Ashraf
Dehghani, Mansoureh Tavafchian, Fatimah Rezaei and Mrs Shayegan were
amongst the activists. By 1978, 33% of university students were female
with 2 million in the workforce. 190,000 were professionals with
university degrees. There were 333 women in the local councils, 22 in
Majlis and 2 in the Senate.
At
the revolution of 1978 millions of women participated in every aspect of
the movement. The Islamic Republic was established in January, the Family
Protection Law was abolished by a declaration from Imam Khomeini’s
office in April and by March women were barred from becoming judges. Women
working at government offices were ordered to observe the Islamic dress
code. Women protested, on March 8, International Women’s Day, thousands
gathered at Tehran University. The speakers could not speak since the
microphones were sabotaged. The crowd moved towards Ayatollah
Taleghani’s house, Jam e Jam TV station and Ministry of Justice. In
April the marriage age for girls was reduced to 13 and married women were
barred from attending regular schools. By this time many Independent
women’s’ organizations were formed and all political parties had their
own women’s league.
Ten’s
of women’s magazines were published, the daily Awakening of Women was
amongst the first published in Tehran University and was immediately
followed by Equality, Women in Struggle and Women’s Path. The later with
the National Union of Women and others formed a loose coalition, the
Committee for Solidarity of Women.
The
Organization of Iranian Women, The Women Populace of Iran, Women’s
branch of National Democratic Front, National Front and the Association of
women lawyers were amongst the most active. The last one is the only one
that still exists and it has formed an extremely powerful lobby in support
of women’s rights.
The
Islamic Women’s Movement was formed with the support of the government.
Monireh Gorjee a member of the Islamic Republic Party was the only woman
at the Assembly of Experts when the new constitution was drafted. She did
not oppose the new legislation concerning women. Shariat became the legal
code. In the first Majlis Gohar Dastghayb and Maryam Behruzi were elected
and represented the two prominent parties, Islamic Republic and Crusaders
for Islam. Azam Taleghani represented the Women’s Society of Islamic
Revolution and send letters to Khomeini cautioning the authorities about
compulsory veiling. Altogether 217 members were elected to the first
Majlis, 3 were women. The birthday of Fatima, Prophets’ daughter was
announced National Women’s Day. In 1980 Azam Taleghani completely
wrapped in Islamic attire represented Iran in United Nations Conference on
Women in Thailand.
Zahra
Rahnavard, Prime Minister Mousavi’s wife took over the popular magazine
Etelaate-i Banouvan and the name was changed to Rah Zeynab. Fereshteh
Hashemi
Was
appointed chief editor of Zan-i Ruz. In the early 1980s, Dr. Shahin
Tabatabei chaired Iran at another United Nations’ women’s conference
in Denmark Amongst independent participants was Laleh Bahktiar the
well-known scholar of Islamic mystic literature and a psychologist
residing in England. When asked about stoning women to death, she defended
the action and commented that no crime is worst than adultery committed by
women. At the same time the tomb of Sadigeh Dawlatabadi was destroyed. In
her last will and testament she had said that she did not want any veiled
woman to ever visit her grave!
In
the summer of 1980, Rajai the Prime Minister introduced the Law of
Compulsory Veiling to Majlis. Soon all political parties were banned
members arrested and mass executions of the 1980s put an end to all
independent political activities. Mojahedin Khalgh suffered most. Maryam
Firouz an executive member of the Tudeh Party praised Imam Khomeini and
called him the most important supporter of Women’s rights in our
history. Tudeh party was the next one to go.
A
year later, Maryam Behruzi in Beijing condemned abortion, called day cares
as centers for producing robots. She defended the Islamic Criminal code
and regarded Ghesas as appropriate and Islamic. Outside Iran the National
Council of Resistance and the National Union of Women were established.
Rah Zeynab magazine was closed down. Muslim women began expressing concern
over their situation in Iran. Armed male and female personnel began their
function as the guardians of the Islamic code of conduct by arresting,
imprisoning, flogging and imposing monetary penalties. In 1982, Freedom
Movements’ women’s league in Tehran after a meeting with Zahra
Rahnavard, Azam Taleghani, Ali Mojtaba Kermani, Ahmad Sadr Haj Sayyid
Javadi and Naser Katousian, expressed concern over implementation of the
Islamic Legal Code.
In
1984, the first theology school for females was established in Qom. The
male teachers entered the fortress like building through an underground
passage and never met any of the students. Presently the school has female
tutors only and no males are allowed inside.
Unlike
male students of such schools, the women will not have a religious rank.
So far they have stayed away from all debates in Qom and nationally. The
only women journal published by the theology students; Payam-i Zan is
published by males. After the war with Iraq and in the 1990s women’s
issues became front-page news. The magazine Zanan published in 1992
systematically criticized the legal code. They argued gender equality was
Islamic but religious literature is misread and misappropriated by
misogynist interest oriented males. Secular activists, Mehrangiz-i Kar,
Shahla Lahiji and the Muslim Shahla Sherkat the editor of Zanan lead the
debate on women’s rights. Reforms were demanded by all, the leadership
did not respond but for the first time they could not silence the
movement.
Segregation
of sexes legitimized the entry of millions of lower class girls from
traditional families and rural areas into the public life and the
education system. The
segregation required training of women to serve the female only policies.
Thousands were employed in the security forces and morality corps and
others to impose strict Islamic codes. For many this was the first time
they had fully entered public life and received wages with pensions at the
end. Khatami’s presence in Ministry of Guidance paved the way for a less
restricted press. Hundreds of books about feminist issues were and are
published including radical feminist books and biographies. Faezeh Hashemi
initiated Asian games for Muslim women in 1993. Later on the establishment
attacked her for being outspoken, wearing blue jeans and riding bicycles.
In a landslide victory she was elected in the 5th Majlis with
the highest number of votes in Tehran. Muslim feminism had emerged in
Iran.
In
1997, a prenuptial document to be signed at the time of marriage was
approved. The object was to give women the rights they lacked in Shariat.
The future husband forfeits his rights to polygamy and unconditional
divorce. Women can initiate divorce, divide assets and have joint custody
of children and child support. All the articles are conditioned. As
pointed out by the critics this is only a voluntary contract, men do not
have to sign and if they don’t there are no legal consequences. The
practice so far has failed and most men will not sign the contract. Few
gains are made since then. Family courts are back again and divorce is
referred to these courts, though the number of courts is very limited.
Women can function as judges but do not have the title. Mahriyeh is
indexed and linked to inflation. Women are given more grounds for
initiating divorce. But so far no fundamental changes. By the late 1990s,
the National Muslim Women’s League, sponsored and financed by the
government became a powerful umbrella organization providing support and
networking for sixty registered women’s organizations.
In 1998, 52% of the students entering universities were female and
the worsening economic situation has forced millions of women to enter the
workforce. The fifth Majlis has 13 female deputies out of 270. The changes
and the oppression have released a massive political force never seen
before. The result has been the formation of a dynamic grassroots movement
lead by the so-called Muslim feminists who believe men have misinterpreted
and manipulated the religious texts.
This
re-interpretation movement is very new and is part of a larger global
movement by small reformist groups who are questioning Shariat and its
compatibility with the modern world. The Muslims have never criticized
practices of Islam. Nor any Muslim country has provided a safe environment
where such re-thinking can be experimented. Historically all such
movements have either been crushed or resulted in new religions such as
Ismaili and Bahai.
The
struggles over the last two centuries have made one thing clear to women
in Iran. The inability of Shariat and religious authorities to improve
legal status of women and the centrality of women to the political
process. What happened in Iran is a logical evolution of the women’s
movement since its’ beginning in the 1800s. Ironically it started with
religious reformists and ended up as a new religion, Bahai. The women of
Iran are not about to start a new religion. But the realization is all too
clear. Change is not going to
come from within the system. Shariat is God’s words and constitution
forbids any legislation contrary to Shariat.
Pahlavi
rule cleared the path for women. Sooner or later they had to face the
major obstacle, Shariat. The revolution provided the momentum. The secular
women though extremely active especially in legal matters are not heard as
well as the Muslims. The two have joined forces now. How far the secular
and the Muslim feminists will go depends on the success of the larger
movement in the Islamic world and the political situation in Iran. In 1997
presidential elections, eight women nominated themselves as candidates.
The Council of Guardians rejected all. Khatami won the presidential
election by promising women reform and equal opportunities; none has
happened as yet. So far he has blamed the hard-liners; the new Majlis
should show his sincerity and how far he is willing to go.
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